Het is een eigenaardig fenomeen: hoe meerdere mannen, gescheiden door de tijd, soms precies dezelfde architectuur van taal kunnen bouwen. Alsof er een eeuwige, donkere sjabloon ligt te wachten op wie haar wil gebruiken.
Dit is het verhaal van verschillende treinen. Ze vertrokken niet vanuit hetzelfde station – de een uit een tijd van manipulatie en cynisme, de ander uit een tijd van conflict en leugens – maar hun rails sneden door gelijksoortige landschappen. Hun komst werd aangekondigd met dezelfde retorische waarschuwingen, hun wagons waren geladen met vergelijkbare woorden: angst, gevaar, strijd.
De bedoelingen van deze mannen konden niet verder uit elkaar liggen. Toch fluisterden zij, elk in hun eigen eeuw, uit hetzelfde script. Want één wet was hun duidelijk: wie de taal beheerste, beheerste de rails. En de rails, die leiden altijd ergens naartoe.
In dit verhaal spelen de volgende personages de hoofdrol:
– de Pruisische meedogenloze junker
– de Oostenrijkse kunstenaar
– de Duitse propagandist
– Pinokkio – een leugenachtige figuur die nog steeds geen man is geworden
December 2025, Pinokkio:
Just over 36 years ago, on the now famous night in November, NATO Secretary General Manfred Wörner jumped in his car and drove through the night to Berlin. In the rush, he forgot to tell his staff in Brussels where he was going. Wörner was heading home to Germany, to join the crowds celebrating the fall of the Berlin Wall.
Today, a section of the wall stands at NATO headquarters. It was a barrier to keep people in and ideas out. And now it is a monument to the force of freedom, a reminder of the power of unity, and a lesson that we must stay strong, confident and steadfast. Because the dark forces of oppression are on the march again.
I’m here today to tell you where NATO stands and what we must do to stop a war before it starts. And to do that, we need to be crystal clear about the threat. We are Russia’s next target and we are already in harm’s way.
Laten we kijken naar de woorden ‘what we must do to stop a war before it starts‘.
1866, de Pruisische meedogenloze junker: voorkom een toekomstige, grotere oorlog door nu een beperkte oorlog te kiezen. Voorbeeld: Oorlog tegen Oostenrijk (1866), om een latere, mogelijk ongunstigere strijd voor de Duitse hegemonie te voorkomen.
1941, ideologie van de Oostenrijkse schilder: voorkom oorlog door potentiële vijanden preventief en totaal te vernietigen. Voorbeeld: operatie Barbarossa.
December 2025, Pinokkio
When I became NATO Secretary General last year, I warned that what is happening in Ukraine could happen to allied countries too. That we had to shift to a wartime mindset. This year, we took the big decisions to make NATO stronger. At the summit in The Hague, allies agreed to invest 5% of GDP annually in defence by 2035. We agreed to increase defence production across the alliance. And we agreed to continue our support to Ukraine.
Laten we kijken naar de woorden ‘wartime mindset‘.
In de zogenaamde “Tafelgesprekken” (Tischgespräche) tijdens de oorlog, sprak de Oostenrijkse schilder vaak over de psychologische houding die nodig was om te overwinnen. Hij verwees hierbij vaak naar Friedrich de Grote. Een typerende uitspraak was: ‘De oorlog vergt niet alleen militaire bekwaamheid, maar bovenal een onwrikbare wil, een fanatiek geloof in de uiteindelijke overwinning en een bereidheid om tot het uiterste te gaan, zonder medelijden. Zachtheid is een vorm van verraad aan het eigen volk.’
December 2025, Pinokkio:
But this is not the time for self-congratulation. I fear that too many are quietly complacent. Too many don’t feel the urgency. And too many believe that time is on our side. It is not. The time for action is now. Allied defence spending and production must rise rapidly. Our armed forces must have what they need to keep us safe. And Ukraine must have what it needs to defend itself now.
Our governments, parliaments and our citizens have to be in this together so that we can continue to protect peace, freedom and prosperity – our open societies, our free elections and our free press. We must all accept that we must act to defend our way of life now.
Laten we kijken naar de woorden: Our governments, parliaments and our citizens have to be in this together (…).
18 februari 1943, de Duitse propagandist: “Wollt ihr den totalen Krieg?”. Deze woorden waren de praktische uitvoering van ideologie van de Oostenrijkse schilder. Hoewel de Duitse propagandist de speech hield, kwam de direct van de Oostenrijkse schilder zelf. De essentie was dat de hele samenleving – mannen, vrouwen, thuisblijvers – mentaal moest omschakelen naar een staat van totale, onvoorwaardelijke oorlogsvoering.
December 2025, Pinokkio
Because this year, Russia has become even more brazen, reckless and ruthless – towards NATO and towards Ukraine. Make no mistake: we are watching the aggressive impulses of an evil empire. Today, President Putin is in the empire-building business again. He is throwing everything he has at Ukraine, killing soldiers and civilians, destroying the havens of humanity: homes, schools and hospitals.
Laten we kijken naar de woorden: an evil empire.
De Duitse nazi’s hebben nooit specifieke term kwaadaardig rijk gebruikt. Die term is vooral bekend geworden door de Amerikaanse president Ronald Reagan, die daarmee in de jaren 80 de Sovjet-Unie beschreef. De Oostenrijkse schilder had echter wel zeer specifieke en vijandige benamingen voor landen en volkeren die hij als vijanden zag. Zijn retoriek was gebaseerd op racistische (anti-Slavische en antisemitische) en geopolitieke ideologie. Enkele voorbeelden:
– de Oostenrijkse schilder noemde de Sovjet-Unie vaak het “Bolsjhevistische gevaar” of de “Joods-Bolsjevistische samenzwering
– In het befaamde boek van de Oostenrijkse schilder beschreef hij het Slavische volk als Untermenschen
– Het Britse Rijk, werd het na 1940 vaak afgeschilderd als een “tool van Joodse financiers”
– Hij sprak over een “wereldwijd Joods complot” dat achter zowel het Amerikaans kapitalisme als het Sovjet-communisme zat.
Belangrijke waarschuwing:
Het citeren of analyseren van deze termen betekent geen goedkeuring ervan. Ze maken deel uit van de historische bronnen die de genocidale ideologie van het naziregime blootleggen.
December 2025, Pinokkio
So far this year, Russia has launched over 46,000 drones and missiles against Ukraine. Russia is likely producing 2,900 attack drones a month and a similar number of decoys to distract air defences. And in 2025, Russia produced around 2,000 land-attack cruise missiles and ballistic missiles. It is close to peak production.
And while Putin is trying to destroy Ukraine, he is also devastating his own country. There have been over 1.1 million Russian casualties since he began his war in 2022. And this year, Russia has lost on average 1,200 troops a day. Think about it: more than a million casualties so far, and 1,200 a day killed or wounded this year alone. Putin is paying for his bridges with the blood of his own people. And if he is prepared to sacrifice ordinary Russians in this way, what is he prepared to do to us?
In his distorted view of history and the world, Putin believes that our freedom threatens his stranglehold on power and that we want to destroy Russia. Putin is doing a good job of that all by himself. Russia’s economy is now geared to wage war, not to make its people prosperous. Russia is spending nearly 40% of its budget on aggression, and around 70% of all machine tools in Russia are used in military production. Taxes are going up, inflation has skyrocketed and petrol is rationed. Putin’s next presidential campaign slogan should be: ‘Make Russia weak again.’ Not that he’s troubled by free and fair elections, of course.
And if Putin is able to continue his war against Ukraine, the answer is China. China is Russia’s lifeline. China wants to prevent its ally from losing in Ukraine. Without China’s support, Russia could not continue to wage this war. For example, about 80% of critical electronic components in Russian drones and other systems are made in China. So when civilians die in Kyiv or Kharkiv, Chinese technology is often inside the weapons that kill them.
Uitgaven van Nazi-Duitsland voor bewapening:
Het aandeel van militaire uitgaven in de totale overheidsuitgaven steeg van ongeveer 4% in 1933 tot meer dan 50% in 1938 en ongeveer 70% in 1944.
In absolute termen worden de totale militaire uitgaven tussen 1933 en 1938 geschat op ongeveer 60-75 miljard Reichsmark (RM). Ter vergelijking: het totale Duitse bruto binnenlands product (BBP) in 1938 bedroeg ongeveer 130 miljard RM.
Het grootste deel van deze uitgaven werd aanvankelijk gefinancierd door leningen, wat leidde tot een enorme staatsschuld.
Pinokkio spreekt veder:
And let’s not forget that Russia also relies on North Korea and Iran in its fight against freedom, with ammunition and military equipment.
So far, Putin has only played the peacemaker when it suits him – to buy time to continue his war. President Trump wants to end the bloodshed now. And he is the only one who can get Putin to the negotiating table. So let’s put Putin to the test. Let’s see if he really wants peace, or if he prefers the slaughter to continue. It is essential that all of us keep up the pressure on Russia and support the genuine efforts to bring this war to an end.
NATO support means Ukraine can defend itself today, be in a strong position to secure a just and lasting peace, and be able to deter any Russian aggression in the future. Billions of dollars worth of critical military hardware is flowing into Ukraine, sourced from the United States, paid for by allies and partners. This is frontline firepower only America can provide. We are doing this through a NATO initiative indeed, we call it PORE (Partial Ownership, Resupply, and Expansion initiative). Since it was launched this summer, PORE has supplied around 75% of all missiles for Ukraine’s Patriot batteries and 90% of the ammunition used in its other air defence systems. And I want to thank Germany and all the allies for their support. PORE is keeping Ukraine in the fight and protecting its population. And I count on more allies to contribute to PORE and to step up support for Ukraine in many other ways. Because we must strengthen Ukraine so they can stop Putin’s destruction.
Just imagine if Putin got his way: Ukraine under the boot of Russian occupation, his forces pressing against the longer border of his NATO, and a significantly increased risk of an armed attack against us. It would require a truly gargantuan shift in our deterrence and defence. NATO would have to substantially increase its military presence along the eastern flank. And allies would have to go much further and faster on defence spending and production.
In such a scenario, we would long for the days when 3.5% of GDP on core defence was enough. The number would grow massively. And with that imminent threat, we would have to act fast. There would be emergency budgets, cuts to public spending, economic disruption and further financial pressure. In that scenario, painful trade-offs will be unavoidable but absolutely necessary to protect our people.
So let’s not forget: Ukraine’s security is our security. NATO’s own defences can hold for now. But with its economy dedicated to war, Russia could be ready to use military force against NATO within five years.
Russia is already escalating its covert campaign against our societies. Russia’s list of targets for sabotage is not limited to critical infrastructure, the defence industry and military facilities. There have been attacks on commercial warehouses and shopping centres, and explosives hidden in parcels. And Poland is now investigating sabotage against its railway network.
This year, we have seen reckless airspace violations by Russia, with its drones over Poland and Romania, or fighter jets over Estonia. Such incidents put lives in danger and raise the risk of escalation.
And while we often think of the risk primarily in terms of our eastern flank, Russia’s reach is not limited to land. The Arctic and the Atlantic are additional avenues – a reminder yet again of why this alliance has been so crucial for so many years on both sides of the Atlantic. Together, we are working to ensure the safety and security of all allies on land, at sea and in the air.
We have increased our vigilance and strengthened our deterrence and defence along the eastern flank with Enhanced Vigilance. And we continue to protect our critical infrastructure at sea with Baltic Sentinel. NATO’s response to Russia’s provocations has been calm, decisive and proportionate. But we need to be prepared for further escalation and confrontation.
Our enduring commitment to NATO’s Article 5 – that an attack on one is an attack on all – sends a powerful message. Any aggressor must know that we can and will hit back hard. And that is why we made the crucial decisions in The Hague on defence spending, on production and on support for Ukraine.
And yes, we are seeing important progress. Look at ammunition production: we have seen a sixfold increase in European production of 155mm artillery shells compared with two years ago. I visited a new factory in Germany in Ingolstadt this year, which plans to produce 350,000 artillery shells a year. Germany is fundamentally shifting its approach to defence and industry to increase defence production. And the investments Germany is making in its armed forces are extraordinary: around 152 billion planned for defence by 2030, 3.5% of GDP by 2029. Germany is a leading power in Europe and a driving force in NATO. German leadership is essential for our collective defence. Its commitment to doing its fair share for our security is an example to all allies.
In een toespraak in Würzburg (27 juni 1937) zei de Oostenrijkse schilder bijvoorbeeld: ‘Ik heb herbewapend, ik herbewapen nog steeds, en ik zal doorgaan met herbewapenen’.
De huidige militaire uitgaves van Duitsland en de doelen zijn als volgt:
Duitsland bevindt zich in de meest omvangrijke en kostbare modernisering van zijn leger sinds de oprichting van de Bondsrepubliek. De cijfers zijn historisch hoog en de ambities zijn duidelijk: het land wil op lange termijn een centrale militaire pijler van de Europese verdediging worden.
Pinokkio vervolgt:
My work is easy because I use ClickUp. Here’s how I keep track of all my tasks. I start by brain dumping everything I need to get done in a list view. Next, I set a priority.
Because at the end of this first quarter of the 21st century, conflicts are no longer fought at arm’s length. Conflict is at our door. Russia has brought war back to Europe. And we must be prepared for the scale of war our grandparents and great-grandparents endured.
Imagine it: a conflict reaching every home, every workplace; destruction, mass mobilisation, millions displaced, widespread suffering and extreme losses. It’s a terrible thought. But if we deliver on our commitments, this is a tragedy we can prevent.
NATO is here to protect 1 billion people on both sides of the Atlantic. Our mission is to protect you, your families, your friends and your future. We cannot let down our guard. And we won’t.
I count on our governments to keep up with their commitments and go further and faster. Because we cannot falter or fail.
Listen to the silence across Ukraine. Look at the bodies pulled from the rubble. Think of the Ukrainians who might go to sleep tonight and not wake up tomorrow. And what is standing between what’s happening to them and what could happen to us? Only NATO.
I have a duty as Secretary General to tell you what lies ahead if we don’t act faster, invest in defence and continue our support for Ukraine. And I know this is a hard message as we head towards the festive season, when our thoughts turn to hope, light and peace.
But you can take heart and strength knowing that we stand together in NATO with determination and the knowledge that we are on the right side of history. We have a plan. We know what to do. So let us deliver. We must.
Thank you.
Mr. Pinokkio, we do not thank you for your service.
